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  1. How many of u guys cook your own dinner when you get home after work? How much time do you spend doing this? Does anyone have any quick and simple recipes to share? Do u know of any cooking courses for men focussing on simple and quick meals? I have recently taken to preparing my own dinner, and looking to broaden my repertoire of recipes. As I'm fitness-oriented, I prefer meals that are balanced with a generous portion of protein --- chicken breast etc. There may be only so many ways to skin a cat but I'm sure that there are much more ways to cook chicken! Lol!
  2. Hi all, Just curious, I wunder if every session has to have anal sex? Is there any who does not enjoy anal sex but enjoy companionships, huggings, non-anal sex? Care to share or comment. cheers
  3. Hello all, I am looking for a full time finance and admin personnel who knows bookkeeping and xero. However, through this search, also saw maybe we can have a group to match different hirers and job seekers, strengthening our community. If you are open to this, probably can pm me your telegram and let me know about your business or yourself, once I have enough ppl I will start one. Ps: of cuz, this wouldn't be for higher level of mnc roles, I believe for ppl who are more open to sme roles and for sme owners. Thanks!
  4. Gay Men and Drugs: Chemsex in Singapore Posted by transformativejusticecollective25th Jul 2021 Posted in Uncategorized In recent years, drug use, in particular ‘Chemsex’ – the use of drugs during sex – has gained prevalence among gay, bisexual, and other men who have sex with men (GBMSM) in Singapore. With dating and sex apps such as Grindr, drugs and chemsex have bcome more easily accessible to GBMSM. In the region of Southeast Asia particularly, drugs like crystal meth are most typically used. In Singapore, conventional narratives of drug users suggest frivolous, self-interested individuals with little regard for the harms caused to families or society at large as a result of their drug use. At the same time, these narratives have justified the state’s punitive ‘zero-tolerance’ approach to drugs, including the use of capital punishment against users and traffickers of drugs. How accurately do such narratives reflect the experiences of GBMSM who engage in Chemsex in Singapore, or drug users in general? Dr. Rayner Tan, a researcher at the Saw Swee Hock School of Public Health, National University of Singapore, delves into this question. Contrary to more simplistic narratives that we encounter, Tan uncovers a myriad of motivations among GBMSM in Singapore in their turn towards drug use. Crucially, many of these motivations remain connected to the stigma of growing up gay or bisexual in Singapore society. In this context, sexualised drug use serves as a means of coping with underlying stressors and pressures that affect GBMSM. In several interviews, Tan’s interlocutors described chemsex as a way to deal with the shame brought about by the stigmatisation of gay sex in Singapore. Mental health issues linked to their experiences of homophobia, religious trauma, familial neglect, and sexual violence were also mentioned. In addition, Tan attributes the fact that GBMSM often engage in more sexual relationships due to the lack of non-sexualised spaces for these men elsewhere in Singapore. Specifically, in the absence of queer-inclusive sexuality education as well as the criminalisation of homosexuality among GBMSM under Section 377A of the penal code, sex in private (including chemsex) has become one of few outlets for GBMSM to express desire, attraction, and sexuality without feelings of shame. Within the queer male community in Singapore, some respondents talked about HIV-related stigma and racism creating feelings of shame, anxiety and low self-esteem. One said, “[drug use] became the only place where I could be myself.” Many respondents talked about the ease of access to chemsex as a norm within Singapore’s queer male community. The lack of safe, non-sexualised spaces for queer men in Singapore also means that many come to associate their self-worth with their sexual attractiveness. Beyond sexual shame, Tan’s respondents also underscored the use of chemsex to cope with challenges and stressors relating to work, finances and family — issues not unique to queer men. The absence of formal support, along with numerous barriers to care, obstructs GBMSM’s access to rehabilitation. This includes the lack of trusted aftercare centres for queer people, as well as the lack of legal protections. Furthermore, GBMSM who have strained relationships with their families, in particular those whose families may not be so accepting of different sexualities, are also deprived of family support needed during rehabilitative efforts. There are other challenges, however, that many of these GBMSM face which are not unique to their demographic. As Tan explains, Singapore’s Misuse of Drugs Act continues to create conditions for light users of drugs to become longer-term, more dependent drug users. Specifically, doctors and counselors must report drug users to the authorities. This disincentivises many drug users, gay or otherwise, from seeking access to care and support in the first place. To address this, Tan suggests: We need trauma-informed counselling efforts trained to create safe recovery environments for individuals and offer therapeutic solutions. Peer support programmes, LGBTQ+ specific services, and trauma-focused therapies are essential. More advocacy and education promoting literacy around substance use and addiction can go a long way towards destigmatising drug use. That which is illegal is not always immoral. Safe spaces should be provided for intracommunal discourse on chemsex. Drug and HIV/STI-prevention interventions can take place at sex-on-premises venues and online apps. Section 377A, which criminalises sex between men, should be repealed to encourage uptake of sexual and mental health services. Singapore’s Misuse of Drugs Act, and the Singapore Medical Council’s regulations, should be reviewed. Anonymised health and addiction recovery services and harm reduction services should be provided to all drug users in Singapore. Tan’s study shows that chemsex among gay, bisexual, and other men who have sex with men in Singapore is much more complex than is portrayed in mainstream media narratives. Understanding these queer men’s experiences on individual, intracommunal and societal levels helps us grasp the motivations behind their practice of chemsex, which is often a way of coping with trauma, marginalisation and shame. Apart from addressing the structural conditions that lead these queer men towards chemsex in the first place, community-based organisations and policymakers should also find ways to destigmatise drug use and provide safe spaces for drug users to seek support, care and rehabilitation.
  5. Time Should I waste my time on you who i can't control Should i waste my time on things that is of my beyond Can't we see the time that went tick tock Is this the right time or is it not? They say time flows like a stream To a land where there are many dreams But you told me you did like to be a place full of surprises and supremes There are no other choices but this is the way its seems. I do not know what to say The world is so full of grey You say I am imperfect and this I know Yet I still think you are gold I may be kind and silly but it’s not fine. Your avoidant ways clearly shows through time Time will reveal who you are And you can really be a pain in the arse Letting you go should keep you afar As there is nothing left to be my fuss Finally I can get on my path. E.T. 13.01.2019
  6. Dear All, We are part of the local Buyer's Club in Singapore. Selling generic versions of HIV medicines for patients living with HIV. These are cheaper than those branded ones sold at local hospital pharmacies. All that is required is a valid prescription for the medicines that the patients' need. Apart from the usual 3 in 1 pill taken once daily of Tenofovir Disoproxil Fumarate 300mg, Emtricitabine 200mg and Efavirenz 600mg, there are other options such as Rilpivirine 25mg, Raltegravir 400mg twice daily and Dolutegravir 50mg. Also, generic Descovy is now available (Tenofovir Alafenamide 25mg, Emtricitabine 200mg). Patients can also look forward to the new 3 in 1 pill that combines Descovy (TAF 25mg, FTC 200mg) with Dolutegravir 50mg. Do discuss this information with your doctor. We (at Buyers Club) provide patients with affordable options that are available and accessible. We hope that by doing this, we can contribute significantly to our Community efforts to bring down HIV infection rates to zero. Do help us spread the word around, especially to those who need it the most. Thank you. Hotspunk WhatsApp +65 97531592
  7. I am sure there are many people out there who is currently having issues and of it could be the one as the title mentioned. I get extremely horny when there is work overload or too much to handle (too much stress thus finding something fun?). But the fun is only temporary after which is leaves you void and disappointed. I feel I am jerking off too much and I am trying to stop but it's really tough (feels like a full blown addiction). After i ejaculate, i'd feel back ache and teeth would suddenly become brittle like AND my hair started to drop and it's SUPER frizzy, I am going bald (excessive hair drop and severe receding seems to get worse after JO) thus I have decided to shave hair on Monday.. Anyone has similar problems? we could start a support group to fight this..feels like an addiction. I want to stop, it's ruining my psyche.
  8. A frd on Grindr said that my my face pics and dxxk pics were posted in a local chat group on Line and on twitter. I never saw the pics of myself... how can I search these pics on these platform? at least I wanna know the pics are on Twitter or not.... Anyone can give me some suggestions to deal with these kind of issue?
  9. What are some of the "Pearls of Wisdom" that you have heard or reflected from an experience? Some example are like: 1. You cannot give what you don't have. 2. Good things in Life comes for free. 3. Choice is the Freedom one gets. 4. 静 恩 仁 悟 空
  10. How to stop catastrophizing Catastrophizing is a way of thinking called a ‘cognitive distortion.’ A person who catastrophizes usually sees an unfavorable outcome to an event and then decides that if this outcome does happen, the results will be a disaster. Here are some examples of catastrophizing: “If I fail this test, I will never pass school, and I will be a total failure in life.” “If I don’t recover quickly from this procedure, I will never get better, and I will be disabled my entire life.” “If my partner leaves me, I will never find anyone else, and I will never be happy again.” Doctors also call catastrophizing “magnifying,” because a person makes a situation seem much worse, dire, or severe than it is. Catastrophizing can lead to depression in some individuals. Fortunately, there are several methods to address the condition and avoid catastrophizing. Fast facts on catastrophizing: Catastrophizing can be a result of or cause of anxiety. Every person tends to catastrophize from time to time. A mental health professional can help address catastrophic thinking. Causes Catastrophizing is a belief that something is far worse than it really is. While there are several potential causes and contributors to catastrophizing, most fall into one of three categories. These are: Ambiguity Ambiguity or being vague can open a person up to catastrophic thinking. An example would be getting a text message from a friend or partner that reads, “We need to talk.” This vague message could be something positive or negative, but a person cannot know which of these it is with just the information they have. So they may start to imagine the very worst news. Value Relationships and situations that a person holds in high value can result in a tendency to catastrophize. When something is particularly significant to a person, the concept of loss or difficulty can be harder to deal with. An example would be applying for a job that a person wants. They may start to imagine the great disappointment, anxiety, and depression they will experience if they do not get the job before the organization has even made any decisions. Fear Fear, especially irrational fear, plays a big part in catastrophizing. If a person is scared of going to the doctor, they could start to think about all the bad things a doctor could tell them, even if they are just going for a check-up. A person may also experience catastrophizing related to a medical condition or past event in their life. Related psychiatric conditions Anxiety is closely related to catastrophizing. Anxiety is a condition where a person experiences heightened fear and preoccupation with a circumstance. Examples could be worrying about a big test coming up or being fearful of walking alone at night. Difference between catastrophizing and anxiety The primary difference between anxiety and catastrophizing is that anxiety can play a useful role in a person’s life. For example, anxiety can be a positive emotion because it can help a person to be protective of themselves. However, catastrophizing does not usually have any benefits. Having these catastrophic thoughts can fill a person’s mind with unnecessary emotions that take time and thought away from the reality of a situation. While both anxiety and catastrophizing can be harmful, anxiety can be beneficial in some circumstances. Link to depression Depression, or prolonged feelings of helplessness and sadness, is also connected to catastrophizing. When a person experiences prolonged feelings of hopelessness, they may tend to catastrophize and imagine the worst will happen. Pain catastrophizing In addition to mental health conditions, such as anxiety and depression, some people may catastrophize over feelings of pain. “Pain catastrophizing” is when a person obsesses and worries about pain, feels helpless when they experience pain, and is unable to put worries or thoughts of pain aside. According to an article in the journal Expert Review of NeurotherapeuticsTrusted Source, catastrophizing about pain is associated with increases in narcotic usage, post-surgical pain ratings, or depression after surgery. While no person looks forward to a post-surgical or post-injury pain, an irrational fear or approach can make a recovery especially difficult. Medical treatments Most people experience fear and worry at some time. However, if a person constantly fears the worst or hears from their friends and family that they are thinking in this way, they may need to address their catastrophic thinking. If a person has an underlying medical condition, such as depression, a doctor may prescribe antidepressant medications to help. Examples of these include: Selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRI’s): Examples include fluoxetine (Prozac) and paroxetine (Paxil). These medicines increase the amount of the neurotransmitter serotonin in the brain. They are often the first-line treatment for people with depression but may also be prescribed for a variety of anxiety disorders. Serotonin and norepinephrine reuptake inhibitors (SNRIs): Examples of these include duloxetine (Cymbalta) and venlafaxine (Effexor). These medications increase the amount of serotonin as well as norepinephrine in the brain. Tricyclic antidepressants (TCA’s): These drugs include amitriptyline and nortriptyline (Pamelor). Doctors do not prescribe TCA’s very often today because of their undesirable side effects. Atypical antidepressants: These medications do not fit into a particular category regarding how they work. Examples include bupropion (Wellbutrin, Aplenzin) and trazodone. Sometimes, a doctor may initially prescribe one type of medication that may not be effective in reducing both depression and catastrophizing. In this case, the doctor may prescribe another medication. Six tips to manage catastrophic thinking Mental health experts often use techniques known as cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) to help a person address their catastrophic thinking. These techniques require the person to be aware that they are experiencing catastrophic thinking, to recognize their actions, and to try to stop and correct their irrational thinking. Six tips to accomplish this include remembering and making use of the following techniques. These can help to manage the condition: Acknowledging that unpleasant things happen: Life is full of challenges as well as good and bad days. Just because one day is bad does not mean all days will be bad. Recognizing when thoughts are irrational: Catastrophizing often follows a distinct pattern. A person will start with a thought, such as “I am hurting today.” They will then expand on the thought with worry and anxiety, such as, “The pain is only going to get worse,” or “This hurting means I’ll never get better.” When a person learns to recognize these thoughts, they are better equipped to handle them. Saying “stop!”: To cease the repetitive, catastrophic thoughts, a person may have to say out loud or in their head “stop!” or “no more!” These words can keep the stream of thoughts from continuing and help a person change the course of their thinking. Thinking about another outcome: Instead of thinking about a negative outcome, consider a positive one or even a less-negative option. Offering positive affirmations: When it comes to catastrophic thinking, a person has to believe in themselves and that they can overcome their tendency to fear the worst. They may wish to repeat a positive affirmation to themselves on a daily basis. Practicing excellent self-care: Catastrophic thoughts are more likely to take over when a person is tired and stressed. Getting enough rest and engaging in stress-relieving techniques, such as exercise, meditation, and journaling, can all help a person feel better. Takeaway An article in the journal Expert Reviews in NeurotherapeuticsTrusted Source defines catastrophizing as “an irrationally negative forecast of future events.” If a person finds themselves continually catastrophizing events in their life and at-home techniques do not help, they should seek help from a mental health expert. Multiple ways exist to help a person overcome this way of thinking and live a life with less fear and anxiety.
  11. It's comforting to know that even the royalities face the same problems as us. What a reassurance ! artile from 2/Jan's Nytimes (New york times) http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/f...lines-frontpage Vadodara, India — AS a maharajah's son, Manvendra Singh Gohil grew up in a bubble of prestige and privilege, surrounded by hangers-on who treated him so reverentially that he was 15 before he crossed a street by himself. So the public snubs and rejection of the last nine months have been a new experience. Yet the mild-mannered Gohil couldn't be more content. At last, he says, he is living an honest life — albeit one that has touched off a scandal in the royal house of Rajpipla, one of India's former princely states. Last March, he revealed a lifelong secret to a local newspaper, which promptly splashed it on the front page. "The headline was: 'The Prince of Rajpipla Declares That He's a Homosexual,' " Gohil said with a rueful chuckle. "The newspaper sold like hotcakes." In the uproar that followed, disgusted residents in Gohil's hometown flung his photograph onto a bonfire. His parents publicly disowned their only son, printing notices in the press that he was cut off as heir because of his involvement in "activities unacceptable to society." Gohil's mother has threatened contempt proceedings against anyone who refers to him as her son. For scandal-mongers, the tale of India's gay prince is an irresistibly juicy affair full of details worthy of a tabloid tell-all: his teenage affair with a servant boy, a sexless marriage to a minor princess, a nervous breakdown. For Gohil, his very public unmasking has brought him a bully pulpit from which to speak out against a law that makes him not just a pariah of noble birth but also a common criminal. Here in the world's largest democracy, home to 1.1 billion people, sex between two people of the same gender remains a punishable offense. Decades after India threw off the yoke of British rule, the country still clings to a Victorian-era statute established by its colonial masters nearly 150 years ago, which demands up to life in prison for anyone committing "carnal intercourse against the order of nature." In practice, few prosecutions are brought to court. But reports abound of police using the law to harass and blackmail gay men and lesbians. Human rights advocates, lawyers groups and the government's AIDS coordinator are lobbying for repeal or revision of the law. In September, dozens of Indian luminaries, including Nobel Prize-winning economist Amartya Sen and author Vikram Seth, added their voices to the campaign. Activists are guardedly hopeful about the chances of a legal challenge now pending before the Delhi High Court. A hearing is scheduled for this month. But even should they succeed, changing attitudes will prove a far harder task. Despite India's high-tech wizardry and its rising affluence, this remains a highly conservative and conformist society where most young people undergo arranged marriages, the pressure to produce children is enormous and no gay role models or TV shows like "Will & Grace" exist to offer a hint of an alternative. Those who feel different learn to keep it to themselves — and to feel guilt-stricken about it. "It's not uncommon among the young people we work with to ask, 'Is there a medicine that can make me stop feeling this way?' " said Anjali Gopalan of the Naz Foundation, an AIDS organization that has taken a leading role in the fight to decriminalize homosexuality. "The law compounds all of this. It creates an environment for people to feel like this." The criminalization of homosexuality makes it difficult to set up social venues where gays can meet. Even in the nation's capital, New Delhi, a thriving metropolis of 15 million people, there are only two bars that host furtive, word-of-mouth gay nights just once a week, usually under the protective guise of a "private party" for some fictitious person. Those nights are packed. * GOHIL, 41, would seem an unlikely spokesman for bucking the system, one from which he has benefited handsomely. Although India's royal families were stripped of formal political power after the nation's independence in 1947, many retain enormous wealth and influence in their former fiefdoms, as smiling ribbon-cutters and patrons of the arts, education and charitable work. Gohil's parents, the maharajah and maharani of Rajpipla, a predominantly agricultural town of about 70,000 people in the western state of Gujarat, are the community's biggest landowners and have several palaces to their name, including a majestic, salmon-pink creation, complete with columns and balconies, that was Gohil's home when he was a toddler. (It's now a hotel owned by the family.) He lived a cocooned existence there and at the family residence in Mumbai, spending his childhood absorbing the finer points of royal protocol and etiquette, attending the finest schools and being waited on hand and foot. "It was so luxurious that even a glass of water I didn't have to go and get for myself," he said. By age 12, Gohil had already been invited to be guest of honor at a local school event. Around the same time, he began sensing that something besides his aristocratic background set him apart from his peers. "Somewhere inside me I felt I was different than others," he said in an interview at his office here in Vadodara, about 1 1/2 hours from Rajpipla. "When I came to the age where you develop sexual attraction to the opposite sex, I had the feeling that I'm not attracted to the opposite sex but the same sex." In India, talk of such intimate matters is taboo. At school, sex education for Gohil consisted of an embarrassed teacher telling her students about the sexual development of animals as a stand-in for human sexuality. Gohil's first clue to his own identity came from a classmate when he was 14. "A boy from my class, out of observation or what, one day came and asked me, 'Are you a homo?' I had not heard this word before. I said, 'What? I don't know,' " Gohil recalled. "I went home and looked it up in the dictionary, and it wasn't there." He didn't have the words to describe his impulses, but as a young teen he found a way to act on them at home with a servant boy his own age, an orphan whom Gohil's grandmother had taken under her wing. The two boys maintained a secret relationship until they were about 18, Gohil said. * AFTER his graduation from university, the pressure on Gohil to marry mounted as his parents expected their only son to carry on the Rajpipla line and assume his duties as custodian of the family's royal heritage, which stretches back 600 years. A suitable wife could manage the household, making sure that the heirlooms, the china and the sumptuous royal costumes were kept up to snuff. Gohil's father, the maharajah, and his mother, from a royal family in Rajasthan, scouted out potential mates, settling on a princess from the state of Madhya Pradesh. Gohil, then 25, agreed to the match, which quickly turned out to be a disaster. He felt no physical attraction for his wife and could not consummate their marriage. Her efforts to seduce him ended in tears. She even dragged Gohil to a doctor, but after 15 humiliating months of their being together yet not together, divorce became the only way out. As she left, his ex-wife gave Gohil one piece of advice: Never do this to another woman. But it took years for Gohil to summon the nerve to contact a well-known gay activist in Mumbai, formerly Bombay. Slowly, the young royal began tiptoeing out of the closet, deepening his involvement in the gay community and becoming an HIV counselor to other homosexual men. "My parents thought I was in yoga school, but I would be out distributing condoms," he said. Nonetheless, the increasing strain of pretending took its toll. His parents were on the hunt for a second wife, and residents in Rajpipla constantly asked Gohil whether he came bearing "good news" whenever he visited from Mumbai, unaware of the activities and friendships he was pursuing. In 2002, Gohil suffered a nervous breakdown, spending 15 days in the hospital. At the end of it, his sympathetic psychiatrist arranged for his parents, his sister and her husband to come for a family meeting during which, at Gohil's request, the doctor informed the family of his sexual orientation. "It was very, very emotional, very disturbing," he said. "They were all crying. They were still not willing to believe that this thing was true." Since then, Gohil has thrown himself into HIV/AIDS work through the Lakshya Trust, an organization he founded in 2000. It was partly to raise the profile of the group that Gohil decided to come out publicly. His straight friends were shocked to find out he was gay. His gay friends were shocked to find out he'd been married. For his parents, it was the last straw. He is no longer on speaking terms with his mother. His father, despite disinheriting him, has softened slightly, declaring in a newspaper interview that he had felt pressured by friends and relatives into taking such a drastic step and describing Gohil as "a gifted individual" and "a good son." The two men still speak occasionally, but their conversations are awkward. Gohil believes that his parents cannot legally prevent ancestral possessions from passing into his hands. Geeta Luthra, a leading civil lawyer in New Delhi, agrees. "If it's ancestral property, then in India … nobody can disinherit you," she said. "Custom is a part of the law in India, and the custom among princely families is the principle of primogeniture. So you can't deprive him" of his inheritance. Despite the controversy surrounding his coming-out, Gohil has continued to receive invitations to attend functions in his royal capacity. During the recent interview, Gohil happily showed off a photo of himself in traditional regalia: an elegant ivory suit on his slender frame, a large red turban complete with ostrich feather on his head, a double strand of pearls around his neck and a broad smile on his face, though whether it was out of the general Indian love of pageantry or a personal sense of fabulousness is hard to tell. * AN introvert by nature, Gohil enjoys nothing more than quiet time on his farm on the outskirts of Rajpipla, where he cultivates a passion for organic farming — his primary source of income — and practices the harmonium. He says he has "no regrets at all" over his decisions or the very public consequences that followed. Rather, he has finally been able to put on a little weight, offers for dates have started coming in and the Lakshya Trust just won an award from the United Nations. Representatives of the media keep calling, and a cheerful, newly liberated Gohil appears to enjoy telling his story. To those in Rajpipla who might still harbor reservations about their patron-in-waiting, he waves an indifferent hand. "They cannot get a prince on hire. I am the prince, and whether I am gay or not gay is hardly the issue," Gohil said. "I'm the only son — there are no cousins or brothers they can go to. They have to come back to me." * -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- henry.chu@latimes.com
  12. hey there, do give me some valuable advice after reading about my situation. -- im still a student, and im single. i realise I may be addicted to online pxxn, and have been spending too much time online watching pxxn. my exams are coming and i need to concentrate on studying. how can i curb my addiction and focus on studying without thinking about pxxn and wanking? thanks in advance!
  13. Hi all This is a very interesting podcast. The host spoke well and the guests shared very interesting stories and insights into different societal interpersonal issues ranging from bad romance stories, toxic friendships and importance of looks. Link: https://anchor.fm/wintersun2021/episodes/Episode-4--Bad-Romance-eqhi4p Pls enjoy
  14. Experienced Homophobia and Suicide Among Young Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer Men in Singapore: Exploring the Mediating Role of Depression Severity, Self-Esteem, and Outness in the Pink Carpet Y Cohort Study Rayner Kay Jin Tan, Timothy Qing Ying Low, Daniel Le, Avin Tan, Adrian Tyler, Calvin Tan, Chronos Kwok, Sumita Banerjee, Alex R. Cook, and Mee Lian Wong Published Online:17 Jun 2021https://doi.org/10.1089/lgbt.2020.0323 Abstract Purpose: No prior study has been published on suicide-related behaviors among gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (GBTQ) men in Singapore, where sexual relations between men are criminalized. This study explores the association and mediational pathways between experienced homophobia and suicidal ideation or suicide attempts among young GBTQ men in Singapore. Methods: Results of this study were derived from baseline data of the Pink Carpet Y Cohort Study, Singapore's first prospective cohort study among young GBTQ men. The sample comprised 570 young GBTQ men 18 to 25 years of age who were HIV negative or unsure of their HIV status. Statistical analyses were conducted through descriptive statistics, multivariable logistic regression, and structural equation modeling techniques. Results: Of 570 participants, 58.9% (n = 308) reported ever contemplating suicide, whereas 14.2% (n = 76) had ever attempted suicide. Controlling for key demographic variables, multivariable logistic regression revealed that experienced homophobia and depression severity were positively associated with a history of suicidal ideation, whereas depression severity and outness were positively associated with a history of suicide attempts. Mediation analyses revealed that depression severity and self-esteem partially accounted for the relationship between experienced homophobia and suicidal ideation, whereas depression severity and outness partially accounted for the relationship with suicide attempts. Conclusions: The prevalence of suicidal ideation and past suicide attempts was found to be high in a sample of young GBTQ men in Singapore. Interventions to address experienced homophobia and discrimination among young GBTQ men are needed urgently in Singapore. Introduction The World Health Organization reported that the global crude suicide mortality rate was 10.6 per 100,000 persons in 2016.1 Based on the report, men (13.5) had higher mortality rates attributable to suicide than women (7.7), whereas residents in European (15.4) and Southeast Asia regions (13.2), as well as higher-income countries (14.3) reported higher suicide mortality rates compared with the rest of the world and those in lower- to middle-income countries, respectively.1 However, these findings should be interpreted in light of other factors such as suicide surveillance and reporting capacities, as well as other sociocultural factors that cannot be generalized across regions. Sexual minority youths are more likely to exhibit suicide-related behavior (e.g., ideation, planning, attempting, and medically serious attempts) than their heterosexual counterparts.2 Suicidal ideation refers to thoughts of suicide without necessarily amounting to making plans for suicide, whereas suicide planning typically involves making a plan to do so.3 On the other hand, suicide attempts are differentiated from deaths in that the former does not result in the death of the person who attempted suicide. In two meta-analyses, Miranda-Mendizábal et al. found that young gay and bisexual men were more likely to attempt suicide when compared with heterosexual men,4 while di Giacomo et al. noted that transgender youths had greater risk of attempted suicide than bisexual and “homosexual” youths.5 In the United States, a study utilizing data from the National Violent Death Reporting System found that among individuals 12 to 29 years of age who died by suicide, those who were lesbian female, bisexual female, or transgender male were more likely to have died with a history of suicide attempts, whereas those who identified as gay male, lesbian female, bisexual male, bisexual female, or transgender female were more likely to have died with a history of suicidal thoughts, compared with “non-LGBT males.”6 A study in China noted that male adolescents who reported same-sex romantic attraction or both-sex romantic attraction were more likely to report past-year suicidal ideation and suicide attempts than their counterparts who identified as heterosexual.7 Another study in South Korea found that male youths who reported experiences of same-sex or both-sex sexual intercourse were more likely to report a history of suicidal ideation, suicide planning, and suicide attempts compared with those with opposite-sex sexual intercourse experiences only,8 suggesting that greater risk of suicide for sexual minority youths is not specific to Western developed societies. In general, factors that are associated with increased risk of suicide in studies of LGBT and questioning (LGBTQ) individuals, as well as men who have sex with men (MSM), include mental health factors, such as substance use and poorer mental wellbeing.6,8–13 These include depressive symptoms, anxiety, and panic disorders that have generally been found to be associated with suicide-related behaviors.14 Furthermore, a history of peer victimization, homophobic bullying, or having experienced sexual violence have been found to be associated with both suicidal ideation and suicide attempts among LGBTQ youth in a variety of settings.9,10,15 With regard to social contexts, a study in Taiwan found that low levels of family support during childhood were associated with recent suicidality, or any suicidal ideation or attempted suicide, among gay and bisexual men,16 whereas another study in the United States found that higher levels of school belonging were associated with lower levels of suicidal ideation among LGBTQ youth.17 Some studies have noted that there are different risk factors for suicidal ideation and suicide attempts. For example, Mu et al. noted that mental disorders, such as depression, only increase the odds for suicidal ideation while other mental disorders related to general anxiety and panic disorders only increase the odds for suicide attempt among MSM in China.12 The authors also noted that disclosure of sexual identity increases the risk for suicidal ideation, but having their homosexual behavior known by family members increases the risk of suicide attempts.12 However, there has been a lack of consensus on which risk factors would be specific for suicidal ideation or suicide attempts. For example, the same study also noted that drug dependence raises the risk of suicide attempts but not suicidal ideation;12 however, this finding may contradict other studies which note that drug use increases both the risk of suicidal ideation and suicide attempts.9,10 It is estimated that ∼3.7% (n = 210,000) of Singapore's population of 5.7 million are MSM, based on a recent size estimation study.18 Although Singapore has made tremendous economic progress since its independence, Singapore society still holds largely negative views of sexual minority men. Nationally representative studies conducted in the past decade found that most Singaporeans were not in favor of the repeal of Section 377A, the colonial-era law that criminalizes sexual relations between men with penalty of imprisonment for a term which may extend to 2 years.19–21 Section 377A does not criminalize sex between women, and the Government of Singapore has adopted a nonenforcement policy of the law in private, consensual situations, while still retaining it as a symbol of conservative values of Singaporean society. However, individuals have been charged under this law upon complaints or reports where such incidents involved nonconsent, public acts of indecency, or minors.19 Apart from structural stigma toward sexual minority men caused by the criminalization of same-sex sexual behavior, past studies have also found that Singaporeans in general hold negative views toward same-sex behavior. A nationally representative survey conducted in 2013 by the Institute of Policy Studies in Singapore found that ∼80% of Singaporeans thought that sexual relations between two adults of the same sex were either “Always Wrong” or “Almost Always Wrong.”20 However, a more recent survey published in 2019 by the same institute showed that this figure had dropped to 63.6%, which they attributed to less conservative views among younger cohorts of Singaporeans and among those with higher education attainment.20,22 In recent years, the issue of gay rights has also garnered more attention in the public sphere with gay-friendly movements, such as Pink Dot Singapore, a yearly event supporting the freedom to love, gaining greater momentum since its initial run in 2009. This is, however, also accompanied by a growing countermovement in the form of the Wear White Campaign espousing pro-family values.23 Social stigma in Singapore toward sexual minority individuals has a negative impact on sexual health-related behavior among gay, bisexual, queer, and other MSM in Singapore.24–26 The aims of this study are twofold. First, it attempts to fill the gap in our knowledge of how experienced homophobia impacts the mental health of young gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (GBTQ) men in Singapore, and thus allow for the development of appropriate interventions. Second, our inquiry into the mediating roles of depression severity, self-esteem, and outness was guided by minority stress theory.27 Specifically, the minority stress model describes how minority stressors, such as sexual orientation-based victimization or experienced homophobia contribute to physical and mental health problems.27 As such, we hypothesize that minority stressors, such as experienced homophobia, may lead to suicide-related behaviors through mental health comorbidities or covariates. We thus attempt to explore how mediating factors, including depression severity, self-esteem, and outness to others, may account for the relationship between experienced homophobia and suicide-related behaviors in young GBTQ men, especially in a setting where considerable stigma and the criminalization of sexual relations between men prevail. Methods Participants and recruitment Ethics approval was obtained from the Institutional Review Board at the National University of Singapore (NUS-IRB Reference Code S-19-007) before data collection. Data for this study were derived from the Pink Carpet Y Cohort Study, Singapore's first prospective cohort among young GBTQ men 18 to 25 years of age and a collaboration between a nongovernmental organization Action for AIDS Singapore (AFA), and the Saw Swee Hock School of Public Health at the National University of Singapore and National University Health System (SSHSPH). To be eligible for this cohort, participants had to report being HIV negative or unsure of their HIV status; between the ages of 18 to 25 years; Singapore citizens or permanent residents; and identify in terms of sexual orientation as gay, bisexual, or queer; as well as in terms of gender identity as cisgender male (assigned gender at birth is male, gender identity is male), transgender male (assigned female at birth, gender identity is male), or queer men (assigned male at birth, do not identify with any particular gender now) at the point of recruitment across May to September 2019. Participants were recruited through promotional flyers by a network of community-based organizations in Singapore who are engaged in health advocacy-related activities for young GBTQ men. These flyers were distributed both online and at physical venues. Participants who were interested in participating and were eligible for the study signed up through an enrolment web link embedded in these flyers with their self-reported alias, contact details, date of birth, gender, HIV status, sexual orientation, and their residence status. A copy of this enrolment survey is included in Supplementary Table S1 alongside a flow diagram describing the derivation of the analytic sample (Supplementary Fig. S1). The researchers ensured that no staff member from AFA or SSHSPH had full access to either the enrolment details held by AFA, which contained aliases and contact details of participants, and the baseline survey results held by SSHSPH. Upon clicking on or visiting the enrolment link, participants were led to a page where the participant information sheet was embedded, which they could download and keep. Participants who agreed to participate in the survey provided informed consent by clicking on a button at the end of the page to acknowledge that they have read the participant information sheet and agreed to participate in the survey. Both sets of data were only linked by the unique identifier, which participants entered at the beginning of the survey. Upon completion of the survey, an SSHSPH staff member provided AFA with the unique identifiers of those who had completed the baseline survey, and an SGD 20.00 (approximately USD 15.00) cash reimbursement was given to the participant. Participants could also refer their friends to participate in the survey and be reimbursed SGD 5.00 (approximately USD 3.75) for each friend successfully referred and who had completed the baseline survey; a total of 171 (30.0%) of participants were recruited through referrals. The response rate of the survey could not be established as it was not possible to ascertain the total number of eligible participants reached through the team's marketing efforts. However, we were able to calculate the completion rate of the survey among those who were eligible and enrolled in the study. Variable measures The survey collected sociodemographic information from respondents. We collected age in years from participants, which was analyzed as a continuous variable. Ethnicity was collected through a categorical variable that aligned with Singapore's official racial categories of “Chinese” (n = 478; 83.9%), “Malay” (n = 45; 7.9%), “Indian” (n = 24; 4.2%), and “Others” (n = 23; 4.0%), and was then recoded into “Chinese” and “Non-Chinese.” Gender was collected through a categorical variable where participants could indicate if they were “cisgender male (assigned gender at birth is male, gender identity is male)” (n = 525; 92.1%), “transgender male (assigned gender at birth is not male, gender identity is male)” (n = 11; 1.9%), or “queer (assigned gender at birth is male, and you do not identify with any particular gender now)” (n = 34; 6.0%). Sexual orientation was represented as a categorical variable wherein participants indicated if they identified as “gay” (n = 408; 71.6%), “bisexual” (n = 148; 26.0%), “queer” (n = 12; 2.1%), or “others” (n = 2; 0.4%); this was then recoded into “gay” and “bisexual, queer, or others.” Housing type was collected as a categorical variable that aligned with Singapore's public housing size categories, including “one-room public housing flats” (n = 5; 0.9%), “two-room public housing flats” (n = 9; 1.6%), “three-room public housing flats” (n = 69; 12.1%), “four-room public housing flats” (n = 182; 31.9%), “five-room public housing flats” (n = 142; 24.9%), “executive public housing flats” (n = 37; 6.5%), alongside other private housing options, such as “condominiums” (n = 80; 14.0%), “landed houses” (n = 42; 7.4%), and other private housing (n = 4, 0.7%). These were recoded into “public housing” and “private housing.” The outcome variables of interest—past suicidal ideation and past suicide attempts—were collected as categorical responses where participants were asked to select either “yes,” “no,” or “prefer not to say” to the following questions: “Have you ever had thoughts of attempting suicide (i.e., suicide ideation)?” and “Have you ever attempted suicide?” respectively. This was then recoded as “yes” and “no”; participants who chose “prefer not to say” for past suicidal ideation (n = 47; 8.2%) or attempts (n = 36; 6.3%) were excluded from our analyses. Our diagnostic statistical tests indicated that participants who reported “prefer not to say” were likely reporting as such so as to not recall past traumatic experiences of suicide, as they were more similar to those who responded “yes” than those who responded “no” when comparing scores for factors that were associated with suicide-related behaviors (e.g., depression severity). However, we opted to exclude them instead of recoding them as “yes” to ensure that we did not overstate the relationship between experienced homophobia and suicide-related behaviors in our study. Supplementary analyses on varying treatments of the “prefer not to say” group in our final analyses also support the assumption above (Supplementary Tables S2 and S3). The main covariate of interest, experienced homophobia, was a 14-item scale developed by Ramirez-Valles, et al.28 It assesses the degree to which individuals experienced stigma and discrimination based on their sexual orientation growing up and in adulthood. Each item was measured on a four-point Likert scale ranging from 1 to 4, with 1 being never and 4 being many times; Cronbach's alpha was 0.90. Depression severity was measured by using the nine-item Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9).29,30 Participants were asked “over the last 2 weeks, how often have you been bothered by any of the following problems?” for a total of nine statements, to which they could respond to four possible answers on a Likert scale with 0 being not at all and 3 being nearly every day. Depression severity was measured as an index that was the sum score of all nine items, with a minimum score of 0 and a maximum score of 27. Cronbach's alpha of the scale was reported as 0.92. Self-esteem was measured by the use of a single-item self-esteem scale validated by Robins et al.31 Participants were asked to respond to the statement “I have high self-esteem” on a seven-point Likert scale: 1 being very untrue of me and 7 being very true of me. Outness was measured through the outness inventory, a 10-item scale developed by Mohr and Fassinger.32 This scale does not assess outness with respect to gender identity. Specifically, the outness inventory assesses the degree or magnitude to which lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals are open or “out” about their sexual orientation to other individuals. Questions asked in this scale required participants to think about how different individuals in their own social networks (e.g., mother, siblings, religious leaders) may know about, or openly talk about the participant's own sexual orientation. Participants could select responses from 1 to 7, with 1 being that the person definitely does not know about your sexual orientation and 7 being that the person definitely knows about your sexual orientation, and it is openly talked about. The overall outness score was calculated as an average of three subscales, including outness to family, outness to religion, and outness to the world; Cronbach's alpha of the scale was reported as 0.82. Statistical analysis Statistical analysis was conducted using the statistical software STATA version 15 (StataCorp LLC, College Station, TX). We employed descriptive statistics to identify trends in sample characteristics, while bivariate and multivariable logistic regression models were used to compute the crude odds ratio (OR) and adjusted odds ratio (aOR) for past suicidal ideation and suicide attempts among participants. Key demographic variables, including age, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, and housing type were input into the multivariable analyses, alongside other variables that were statistically significant at the bivariable level. We employed STATA's sem function to generate total, direct, and indirect effects and determine the mediating effects of outness, depression severity, and self-esteem on the relationship between experienced homophobia and suicidal ideation and suicide attempts. Statistical significance was set at p < 0.05. Results Sociodemographic attributes and description of the analytic sample A total of 893 participants were initially enrolled at the study baseline, and 570 participants completed the baseline survey, thus providing a completion rate of 63.8%. Table 1 summarizes the participants' characteristics in the analytic sample. The mean age was 21.9 (standard deviation [SD] = 2.17) among participants, and most identified as ethnic Chinese (n = 478; 83.9%), cisgender male (n = 525; 92.1%), gay (n = 408; 71.6%), and stayed in public housing (n = 444; 77.9%). A total of 58.9% (n = 308) of participants reported ever contemplating suicide, whereas 14.2% (n = 76) reported ever attempting suicide. Participants reported mean or median scores of 25.0 (interquartile range [IQR] = 12.0), 7.0 (IQR = 10.0), 4.1 (SD = 1.66), and 2.3 (IQR = 2.0) for experienced homophobia, depression severity, self-esteem, and outness inventory scores, respectively. Table 1. Sociodemographic Attributes and Description of the Analytic Sample (n = 570) Demographic variables n % Mean SD Age 21.9 2.17 Ethnicity  Chinese 478 83.9  Non-Chinese 92 16.1 Gender identity  Cisgender male 525 92.1  Transgender male 11 1.9  Queer male 34 6.0 Sexual orientation  Gay 408 71.6  Bisexual, queer, or others 162 28.4 Housing type  Private housing 126 22.1  Public housing 444 77.9 Ever contemplated suicide (n = 523)  Yes 308 58.9  No 215 41.1 Ever attempted suicide (n = 534)  Yes 76 14.2  No 458 85.8 Experienced homophobiaa (range: 14 to 56) 25.0 12.00 Depression severitya (range: 0 to 27) 7.0 10.00 Self-esteem (range: 1 to 7) 4.1 1.66 Outness inventorya (range: 1 to 7) 2.3 2.00 aMedian and interquartile range are reported; otherwise, mean and standard deviation are reported. SD, standard deviation. Factors associated with a history of suicidal ideation Table 2 summarizes the results of the multivariable logistic regression models for ever contemplating or attempting suicide. At the bivariable level, experienced homophobia (OR = 1.08, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.05–1.10), depression severity (OR = 1.16, 95% CI: 1.12–1.20), and outness (OR = 1.20, 95% CI: 1.06–1.37) were positively associated, whereas age (OR = 0.92, 95% CI: 0.85–1.00) and self-esteem (OR = 0.77, 95% CI: 0.69–0.86) were negatively associated with a history of suicidal ideation. At the multivariable level, analyses revealed that after controlling for all covariates in the model, experienced homophobia (aOR = 1.05, 95% CI: 1.02–1.07) and depression severity (aOR = 1.13, 95% CI: 1.09–1.17) were positively associated with a history of suicidal ideation. Table 2. Multivariable Logistic Regression for Ever Contemplating Suicide and Attempting Suicide Ever contemplated suicide (n = 520) Ever attempted suicide (n = 530) OR 95% CI aOR 95% CI OR 95% CI aOR 95% CI Age 0.92* 0.85–1.00 0.96 0.87–1.05 0.93 0.83–1.03 0.96 0.85–1.08 Non-Chinese (ref. = Chinese) 1.43 0.88–2.32 1.16 0.65–2.04 1.82* 1.02–3.24 1.47 0.75–2.88 Gender identity  Cisgender male Ref. Ref. Ref. Ref.  Transgender male 7.30 0.93–57.44 4.54 0.54–38.46 1.58 0.33–7.58 0.98 0.18–5.24  Queer male 1.38 0.60–3.15 0.88 0.34–2.27 1.80 0.70–4.63 1.24 0.45–3.41 Gay (ref. = bisexual, queer, or others) 1.04 0.71–1.53 1.15 0.72–1.83 0.84 0.50–1.42 0.72 0.40–1.29 Private housing (ref. = public housing) 0.87 0.57–1.31 0.96 0.60–1.53 0.99 0.55–1.78 1.00 0.52–1.90 Experienced homophobia 1.08*** 1.05–1.10 1.05** 1.02–1.07 1.06*** 1.03–1.10 1.03 1.00–1.07 Depression severity 1.16*** 1.12–1.20 1.13*** 1.09–1.17 1.11*** 1.07–1.15 1.08*** 1.04–1.12 Self-esteem 0.77*** 0.69–0.86 0.92 0.80–1.05 0.84* 0.73–0.97 0.91 0.76–1.09 Outness 1.20** 1.06–1.37 1.15 0.99–1.34 1.38*** 1.17–1.61 1.40** 1.15–1.69 Statistically significant results (p < 0.05) are in bold font; *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001. aOR, adjusted odds ratio; CI, confidence interval; OR, odds ratio; Ref., reference category. Factors associated with a history of attempting suicide At the bivariable level, being non-Chinese (OR = 1.82, 95% CI: 1.02–3.24), having experienced homophobia (OR = 1.06, 95% CI: 1.03–1.10), depression severity (OR = 1.11, 95% CI: 1.07–1.15), and outness (OR = 1.38, 95% CI: 1.17–1.61) were positively associated with a history of attempting suicide. Conversely, self-esteem (OR = 0.84, 95% CI: 0.73–0.97) was negatively associated with a history of attempting suicide. At the multivariable level, analyses revealed that after controlling for all covariates in the model, depression severity (aOR = 1.08, 95% CI: 1.04–1.12), and outness (aOR = 1.40, 95% CI: 1.15–1.69) were positively associated with a history of attempting suicide. Mediation analyses Figures 1 and 2 illustrate the mediation analyses for ever reporting suicidal ideation or suicide attempts, respectively. The total, direct, and indirect effects alongside the change in direct effects are reported for each mediation model. Age, ethnicity, gender identity, sexual orientation, and housing type were included as covariates for each model. Mediation analysis revealed that depression severity (indirect effect: Coeff = 0.005, p < 0.001) and self-esteem (indirect effect: Coeff = 0.001, p < 0.05) partially mediated the effects of experienced homophobia on a history of suicidal ideation, whereas depression severity (indirect effect: Coeff = 0.002, p < 0.001) and outness (indirect effect: Coeff = 0.001, p < 0.01) partially mediated the effects of experienced homophobia on a history of attempting suicide. FIG. 1. Mediation analyses for suicidal ideation. Indirect, direct, total, and changes in direct effects are reported, alongside the standard errors in parentheses. *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001. Key demographic variables, including age, ethnicity, gender identity, sexual orientation, and housing type were added as covariates to all mediation models. FIG. 2. Mediation analyses for suicide attempts. Indirect, direct, total, and changes in direct effects are reported, alongside the standard errors in parentheses. *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001. Key demographic variables, including age, ethnicity, gender identity, sexual orientation, and housing type were added as covariates to all mediation models. Discussion This study is the first published study on suicide-related behaviors among young GBTQ men in Singapore. This study also sought to delineate the associations between experienced homophobia and a history of suicidal ideation and suicide attempts, as well as investigate the mediating roles of depression severity, self-esteem, and outness that account for this relationship, as part of the minority stress pathway. Our sample of young GBTQ men reported a 58.9% (n = 308) and 14.2% (n = 76) prevalence of having histories of suicidal ideation, and attempting suicide, respectively. To our knowledge, this is the first published study to measure the prevalence of such suicide-related behavior in young GBTQ men in Singapore. A nationally representative study among Singaporeans conducted from 2009 to 2010 found that 43.6% and 12.3% of those with major depressive disorders reported a history of suicidal ideation and attempting suicide,33 thus potentially situating our sample of young GBTQ men at greater risk of suicidal ideation and suicide attempts. The prevalence of suicidal ideation among our sample is relatively higher than those among MSM across the world, which ranged from 13.2% to 55.8% across varying settings as reported by a meta-analysis on the prevalence of suicidal ideation among MSM.34 Other studies in Asia have found similar trends with regard to suicidal ideation and suicide attempts among sexual minority men. A large study among adolescents in China found that same sex-attracted (21.6%) and both sex-attracted (34.7%) males reported a higher prevalence of suicidal ideation in the past year compared with their heterosexual counterparts (14.5%).7 A similar trend was found with regard to suicide attempts by both same-sex attracted (6.9%) and both-sex attracted (12.2%) male adolescents, compared with heterosexual male adolescents (2.2%).7 Another recent study among gay and bisexual men in Taiwan found that 31.0% of respondents reported suicidal ideation in the preceding year.16 There might be reasons to believe that the less favorable sociolegal climate in Singapore, compared with other Asian counterparts such as Hong Kong or Taiwan, might give rise to greater levels of homophobia and thus suicide-related behaviors. However, given that our survey measured lifetime prevalence of suicidal ideation and suicide attempts, we do not have sufficient evidence to determine if GBTQ men in Singapore are at greater risk of suicide than their counterparts in other Asian countries, and further research is warranted. Experienced homophobia was also found to be a factor that was positively associated with a history of suicidal ideation among our sample. Other studies have corroborated this finding by showing how a history of suicidal ideation and suicide attempts has been associated with ever being subjected to general and sexual orientation-based violence or victimization,35,36 which aligns with and corroborates the minority stress model.27 Hatzenbuehler extends this framework by reviewing the literature and subsequently proposing a psychological mediation framework to explain how these minority stressors and stigma may lead to elevations in “emotion dysregulation, social/interpersonal problems, and cognitive processes conferring risk for psychopathology” and thus serve to mediate the impact of stigma on the incidence and development of such psychopathologies.37 Our findings on the mediating role of depression and self-esteem in the relationship between experienced homophobia and suicidal ideation, as well as depression on past suicide attempts thus align with, and corroborate these frameworks. A noteworthy finding was that outness, or the extent of sexual orientation disclosure, partially mediated the effect of experienced homophobia on a history of suicide attempts. Outness was also statistically significantly positively associated with suicide attempts after controlling for other potential confounders. Although the literature has generally suggested that gay men or MSM who conceal their sexual identities and who report higher levels of internalized homophobia report worse health outcomes,38–40 and that an inverse relationship might exist between outness and internalized homophobia,41 interpretations of these relationships should be further nuanced as past studies have also found that those who are more out do not necessarily report better wellbeing.42 Given that identifying as GBTQ may be a concealable stigmatized identity,43 a possible explanation would be that outness may only be beneficial in supportive environments, and conversely expose an individual to further stigma and discrimination, which may be higher in Singapore where considerable stigma and the criminalization of sexual relations between men prevail. Limitations We are mindful of several limitations of our study. The findings of this study suggest pathways between experienced homophobia and suicide-related behaviors, but are not conclusive. This is because present measures of depression severity, self-esteem, and outness were employed in analyses in contrast to past suicide-related behaviors, and thus temporality where experienced homophobia precedes both mediating factors and the suicide-related outcomes cannot be established. Prospective cohort studies among younger, adolescent GBTQ men are required instead. Furthermore, there may be selection bias in the sample, as those who are more “out” or comfortable with their sexual orientation are more likely to participate in the study, biasing our results toward the null. Information on the venues through which participants were recruited would have allowed us to hypothesize the direction of such bias, as those who are less “out” might have been less likely to have been recruited through physical venues but instead, through online links. However, such information was not collected in this study. We also acknowledge that due to the small group size of several demographic groups, such as participants who identified as transgender male (n = 11), the findings involving such categories should be interpreted with caution. Nevertheless, we opted to include these participants in our analyses to ensure that their responses are reflected in our study as well. Lastly, there may be cultural or societal variables, such as perceptions of culture, value frameworks, or religiosity, which were not adjusted for in our analysis that may confound the relationship between experienced homophobia and suicidal ideation. Conclusion This study explored associations between experienced homophobia and suicide-related behaviors, and sought to identify the psychological factors that account for such a relationship. Our findings have clear implications for policymakers at multiple levels, which we summarize in Table 3. First, at the individual level, psychological interventions addressing experienced homophobia, minority stress, sexual identity issues, and other underlying psychological factors should be rolled out in schools and in communities as such issues and experiences of stigma may emerge early in life. At the interpersonal level, interventions should generate awareness of signs associated with or preceding suicide-related behaviors and equip individuals with skills to link at-risk individuals to the relevant support structures. At the community level, campaigns may aim to reduce sexual orientation-based stigma in the general public, and endeavor to further develop more community-based resources to tackle homophobia and other forms of sexual orientation-based stigma and violence. At the organizational and institutional level, antibullying and antidiscrimination legislation and policies based on sexual orientation may be implemented in schools and workplaces. Finally, at the public policy level, the government can enshrine some of these antidiscrimination policies into laws, and also work on the decriminalization of same-sex relations between men to reduce stigma toward sexual minority men. Table 3. Recommendations to Address Experienced Homophobia Level of influence Recommendations for proposed and potential interventions Individual Psychological interventions addressing experienced homophobia, minority stress, sexual identity issues, and other underlying psychological factors. Interpersonal Interventions that generate awareness of signs associated with or preceding suicide-related behaviors Equipping individuals with skills to link at-risk individuals to the relevant support structures. Community Campaigns to reduce sexual orientation-based stigma in the general public. Developing more community-based resources to tackle homophobia and other forms of sexual orientation-based stigma and violence. Organizational and institutional Antibullying policies based on sexual orientation in schools. Antidiscrimination policies based on sexual orientation at places of work. Public policy Enshrining antidiscrimination policies into law. Decriminalization of same-sex relations between men to reduce stigma toward sexual minority men. Authors' Contributions R.K.J.T., D.L., S.B., and M.L.W. conceptualized the study; M.L.W. and A.R.C. provided supervision for the study; R.K.J.T. and M.L.W. acquired the funding for the study; R.K.J.T., T.Q.Y.L., and A.R.C. conducted formal analyses; R.K.J.T., D.L., A.T., A.Ty., C.T., C.K., and S.B. conducted the investigation and curated the data associated with the study; and R.K.J.T. and T.Q.Y.L. wrote the original draft. All co-authors reviewed and approved of the article before submission. Acknowledgments The study team thanks all of the participants who took part in the study. The authors extend their sincerest thanks to Action for AIDS Singapore and the Pink Carpet Y Team for their collaboration on this project as well as their sincerest gratitude to all community-based organizations who helped them in the recruitment of participants. Author Disclosure Statement No competing financial interests exist. Funding Information This research was supported by the Singapore Ministry of Health's National Medical Research Council under the Seed Funding Program by Singapore Population Health Improvement Center (NMRC/CG/C026/2017_NUHS). Supplementary Material Supplementary Table S1 Supplementary Table S2 Supplementary Table S3 Supplementary Figure S1
  15. Was wondering what do u wanna see if someone created an Onlyfans? Name your fetish or what you wanna see
  16. Hey guys, do share any info on new cruising spots here. So far from what I know, we have these in KL: Parks 1. Taman Tasik Permaisuri (Bandar tun Razak) 2. Taman Kelana Jaya 3. Bukit Jalil Park (upcoming?) Swimming Pools 1. Kompleks Renang Bandar Tun Razak 2. Kelana Jaya Municipal Pool 3. Chin Woo Stadium Swimming Pool Malls 1. KL Sentral/Nu Sentral 2. Cheras Sentral Mall (upcoming?) 3. AEON Big Kepong? Gloryholes 1. Putrajaya Presint 6 Public Toilet 2. Gyms 1. CF Sunway? Saunas 1. Otot otot 2. Mandi manda 3. Kakiku Feel free to add to the list!
  17. I went shopping with my wife and that was years ago back home. We had our car parked underground within the building of the shopping complex. Done shopping and we decided to leave. We paid the ticket and there was a long queue of cars ahead of us exiting. Cars could barely crawl. There must be a traffic jam at the junction that leads to the main road. We had to wait and wait and wait and we were approaching the junction. There was this security in his very smart uniform guarding the queue. He wasn't the kind of guy I am interested in but I have a fetish towards uniform, especially those dacron blue in color. The traffic was slow. We moved and stopped all the way and eventually we were right in front of the security. He was right beside my window and my eyes were in level with the exact spot of his crotch. It was dark outside and so I thought it would be ok for me to stare at his crotch since my wife was focused on the traffic in front. I had my eyes so fixated that I didn't realize that he was actually talking to me. I come to realize that only perhaps his third attempt to get me to listen to him. I was so embarrassed because it was apparent from his facial expression that he was aware of what I was actually looking at. He smirked while talking to me. Worse still my wife was sitting right beside me and I was totally freaked out. but I can tell he liked it though. It was just crazy.
  18. If you have a big cock, you are in for a good time at nude night in our saunas. Yes, size does matter a lot when come to sauna's nude night. Ask anyone who had been to nude night, he will swear that everyone will be going for the guy with the big tool hanging there. It does not matter whether he is a bottom or top but what matters is big! Rightly you will expect a big tool will be top, but many times you will be disappointed as the numbers of bottoms in the gay community far out-numbered the tops. Good tops are hard to find, least one with a size which immensely increases your pleasure both physical and aesthetically. One Seven had been a nudist heaven on Friday for a long time. The turnout is better and the choice is more. Having it on every Friday is a better choice than Towel Club once a month FMP, for the wait is far too long and most of the time the date is not right as the next day is a working day. Perhaps this is really the season to be jolly, the turnout on last Friday (22 Dec) was good. Perhaps many were on long leave and the season of joys is on the air. There were visibly more tourists too. What makes nude night more popular than the other is that there is more actions and the hit up rate is higher than those towel nights. When a guy decides to go for a nude night sub-consciously he is ready for action otherwise he would not be standing naked there. Those who are not sure and pretentious will not be there in the first place. I like OS nude night especially there double nude on every 17th of the month. It is very relaxing and free when the whole spa is nude. It reminds me of the days of Rairua, lying on the deck chair under the moonlight hugging someone with an erected dick. It is just pure erotic and sensual with the another hot body on top of you and the soft music will guide you in..(a smooth entry...) In contrast OS is wild and fetish. I have seen guys walking around in all sort of cock rings, PA and leather gears. OS was meant to be fetish when they renovated the place. You still see some of the fetish installment there like window in the doors for people to peep in, SM bench, chains and jail setup. I heard that fistees were playing before in the old OS because a sling room was availble. Now there are no more sling around after both of them were damaged by heavy use. It used to be a gangbang when ever one hanged himself on the sling at the jail area. One just need to hang himself on the sling, others will take the cue and bang on him. Last Friday was an eye opener, a guy tied himself up on the sm cross bench and was blindfolded awaiting for his master to serve him. Not before long a muscular guy came and the wait was over. Obviously the guy was an experienced dom in sm. He played his tits and put the cloth pegs on his tits making him moaned with pain and pleasure. Having aroused the slave the master when on to played with his cock, hitting the balls sending the slave to another round of ecstasy. Seeing the slave is ready, the master went over to examine the butt, whipping both moons with his palm to prepare for the next play. He pinched open the ass, peeped into the hungry juicy hole. He climbed over the bench, knelt over the hole and with one sharp swift push, banged his rock hard tool into the hole. Others were holding their breath and many already had a hard on at the side. The slave screamed and his voice only added pleasure and heat to the master and those watching at the side. It was one of those real life action that I had decided to document here for your reading pleasure. OS - 22 Dec 2006 Friday.
  19. Sometimes the sauna not many people, very sian. Then suddenly you hear the backside banging noise and a man moaning. Really make you beh tahan. Some of us will stand outside listen. Feel like force open the door and watch the man get fxxked. Only twice got so lucky. They purposely left the door half open. Watched until I all steam. But not always so lucky. No choice but to wait see them come out because we want to see who fxxked and who get fxxked. The one get fxxked sure very shy especially when he looked like a married uncle. Make him look malu also quite fun. So big already still shy like ku niang. You all also like to do that or not?
  20. i am a flexi top, but its hard to find a good top in sauna most of the time, people in sauna very passive. only want to be service so what makes a good top?
  21. Source: Straits Times Sexually assaulted behind bars By K. C. Vijayan THREE prisoners have been charged with physically and sexually assaulting their fellow inmate in a prison cell in Changi Prison earlier this year. The three men, aged between 19 and 21, are accused of punching and kicking the man in his chest and body, some time between April 26 and May 5. All three are also said to have forced him to perform oral sex on them in the cell on several occasions between April 27 and May 5. One of them, Mohammed Zameen Abdul Manoff, 20, also allegedly sodomised him in the cell on April 28.
  22. have u people noticed that MANY and people state themselves as mixed-blood in this community but they are nothing more than just pure Malay OR Indian or some even Chinese? What are they trying to gain? What's so good about it? Anyway, lets share pict of true mixed LGBT in SG here!
  23. The incident surrounding Seng Han Thong and Cherian George's affirmative blog on "There is Enough Real Racism in Singapore" shows that there are racial biasedness for and against certain races. I believe the same holds for the gay community. Some shirk the issue off by saying it's personal preferences, but often these prejudices of making friends or finding a partner stem from social and peer pressure. Why does race matter when you are having sex or dating someone: Malay, Chinese, Indian or White? Let's go make some gay friends of a different race this holiday season!
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